This magnificent expression of public gratitude to Mrs. Stowe, and of humane sympathy for the American bondman, is likely to exceed, in amount, the highest expectations which had been excited on this side the Atlantic concerning it. The British public do nothing on an insignificant or narrow scale. In works of benevolence, if in nothing else, Great Britain must be regarded as truly great. Touch the heart of this great nation, and its purse strings are at once loosed and the contents at your service. Englishmen give pounds to carry out reforms, where Americans give dollars. The purse of an Englishman is reached through his heart—the heart of an American is reached through his purse. Of course there are exceptions on both sides; but we speak of national, not individual characteristics, and this without stopping now to ascertain the cause of the difference.

  The cause of the American slave, with its multitudinous and overpowering appeals to the sympathy of the whole human family, has been carried on the wings of genius to the hearts and homes of British men and women of all classes. Hence the millions rise up in marked and grateful admiration of its living embodiment, and with unquestioning confidence cast their gold at her feet! This testimonial is of itself an era in the history of philanthropy; for when was the like ever known? KOSSUTH obtained considerable sums of money in this country, to aid the cause of political freedom in Europe; but it came not like the testimonial to Mrs. Stowe; it wore the stamp of trade—a business transaction; the money was for value received, and a bond is held by the donors. Another difference is that the money was asked for in the one case, and it comes unsolicited in the other.

  But it was not on the nature of the testimonial that we proposed here to remark—that speaks for itself. Our attention is called to another aspect of the matter by an article which appears in the May number of a paper recently established in London, called the Anti-Slavery Advocate. The article in question is introduced to the favorable notice of the readers of that paper, as coming from an American Abolitionist. The upshot of its matter is, WHAT SHALL BE DONE WITH THE MONEY NOW BEING DONATED TO THE AUTHORESS OF UNCLE TOM'S CABIN? And the writer goes on to tell what he thinks should be done with it.

  Now, it strikes us, that the zeal of the Advocate has, in this instance, transported him beyond the bounds of good taste. It does seem that the contributors to this testimonial had, from some cause or other, arrived at the conclusion, that the writer of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" either possessed, or could command the wisdom needful to a discriminating and judicious appropriation of the money she receives without the aid of volunteers advisers from any quarter. The very spirit and expression of this testimonial will be marred, if it is to be cut up and divided among conflicting societies. But let us hear the Advocate; and since the question has been raised, and is pressed with much zeal, we shall only be in the way of our duty to give our views upon it, and let them go for what they are worth.

"What, then, ought to be done with funds given for anti- slavery purposes? Just what the abolitionists have been doing for many years. Scatter arguments, appeals, entreaties; thunder at the doors of schools and colleges and churches; let there be no rest till slavery is abolished. All schemes of instruction, amelioration, &c., are delusive and cruel while slavery lasts. As well talk of painting and making water-tight the house while it is on fire, as combine instruction and slavery. It is a childish amusement for childish philanthropy, of which the world is full, even looking aside from the main trying question. Of course, schools will be more popular than emancipation with nine- tenths of the people one meets; because nine-tenths have not the habit of investigation, nor the natural sagacity that hits the nail on the head, and seizes things by the right handles. Emancipation will necessarily be instruction; but instruction is not necessarily emancipation.

"Prussia is a well-instructed kingdom.—This application of anti-slavery funds to the founding of colored schools would be like the mistake of British abolitionists in rejecting the counsel of Granville Sharpe, when he walked the committee room begging Clarkson and the rest to strike at slavery and not the trade. I do not mean that the mistake can be so fatal, because in this case the main battle will still go on uninfluenced. But the awakening minds will get a dose of quietism, and the colored people a dose of humiliation when they need self-esteem.

"Let pro-slavery found schools. It will not fail to do that and the abundance of such works. The harder we press them as abolitionists, the more of these works they will do. If these schools were harmless, not bad, I should object to them as not the highest good. It is good to distribute coals to the poor, but it is better to abolish the despotism that makes them poor. Let suffering be ameliorated, but above all let wrong, the cause of suffered, be righted. Nothing could be more beneficial to the cause of humanity than the discussion in all the English and American journals on the subject. It is great legislative question, one of the most important that ever arises in the policy of nations."

  Now, the foregoing may be from the pen and brain of "An American Abolitionist;" but, we venture to affirm that he is "an American Abolitionist," with a white skin; for no colored man, who sets any value upon education—who is at all concerned for the welfare of his children, or that of his race generally—can think of postponing all [illegible] for their welfare until slavery is abolished; yet this is precisely the counsel of this "American Abolitionist." He would have all monies appropriated to scatter arguments, appeals, entreaties," or (to quote further) "to thunder at the doors of schools and colleges."

  Now, we do not under estimate the value of this sort of effort. Credit is given us for having thundered somewhat during the past dozen years; and yet the fact remains that more than three millions of our countrymen are still in their chains—slavery having withered our thunder, and the thunder of all the abolitionists combined.

  Thunder is a great thing, but we need sunshine as well as "thunder." We need education, as well as agitation. But what arrant nonsense, what mock philanthropy! sham Christianity, and empty-headed philosophy is that which exclaims, "All schemes of instruction, amelioration, and so forth, are delusive and cruel while slavery exists." Heaven help the Free Colored people of the U. S. if the outpouring of this "Abolitionist" be any representation of the feelings of abolitionists generally towards us; for we understand this writer to be speaking of what should be done in regard to "the Free Colored People." If the proposition of Mrs. Stowe were the establishment of schools for the education of the slaves, the notions of our "American Abolitionist" might have a show of reason; for a scheme of that sort would be wholly unpracticable. But that is not the question. Stripped of all disguise, it means that nothing should be done to better the condition of "the Free Colored People," or of the fugitive slaves escaping here while slavery exists; and that all monies should be expended in "thunder and so forth." BAH! Is this Abolitionist a father? Does he practice for himself what he preaches to others? If free blacks must not be improved while slavery lasts, must free whites? Why must every thing be done for the one, and nothing for the other? We venture to say that this preacher against instruction and amelioration likes in the utmost case himself, and does all he can to educate his children.

  We have no patience with such miserable cant! It is like the Church opposing abolition societies, on the plea that the triumph of Christianity will make them unnecessary: opposing the temperance societies, and refusing to strike down any one evil under the plea of "laying the axe at the root of the tree." We have seen enough of such subterfuges; and we are sorry to see them revived at such a distance from our shores, by "an American Abolitionist." Had they come up on this side, instead of diving under the Atlantic, three thousand miles away, they would have felt the weight of our club before this. The colored people can have no confidence in that sort of abolitionism which leaves the Free Colored man and his children to the tender mercies of pro-slavery, while it professes the deepest concern for the emancipation and elevation of the slaves.

  What has given GERRIT SMITH such a hold on the affections of the colored people? Why is it that his words have in them a power to shake the nation? Why is it that prayers of thousands ascend for his preservation, night and morning? It is that his life has never libelled his lips: it is, that while launching against slavery the heaviest bolts, he can descend from the platform to sit by the side of, and to comfort and cheer a trembling fugitive. He that can truly thunder, can stop to soothe, when a wounded and fettered brother is before him. The Free Colored People of the United States can go right up to Gerrit Smith and lay their heavy, horny hands upon his knee. Why is this?—It is because his anti-slavery has not all gone off in appeals and remonstrances, in noise and in thunder. He has educated a LO[??]EN, a WARD, a GARNETT; he has supported the papers established by them, and for them, and has shown that he has a heart for practical benevolence, whether presented I detail or in the aggregate. GERRIT SMITH is not the writer of the letter in "The Anti-Slavery Advocate," published in London.

  If any one is surprised at our indignation, they should remember that, even among abolitionists, it is almost impossible for a Free Colored man to get his child into any respectable employment; that the doors of the work-shop, as well as the gates of the college, are closed against him; and now, when, for the first time, a grand effort is about to be made, by which colored persons, fugitive slaves, and others, may master certain lucrative and mechanical trades, "an American Abolitionist," through a British anti-slavery journal, attempts to divert attention from this laudable object, and to discourage it altogether, as one needless to be carried out, until slavery shall be abolished! Shame on this vile suggestion!

  There is fresh in our memory a case of this kind. A highly- respected and educated widow lady of color, herself a member of the Eastern Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society, applied to one of its Executive Committees for a clerkship for one of her sons. She was told by her noble brother abolitionist, that there was no vacancy in his establishment for her son; and he, moreover, frankly assured her further, that even were there a vacancy in his establishment, the color of her son would prevent him from being selected to fill it. This distinguished member of the Executive Committee, doubtless, is of the same mind as the "American Abolitionist" who writes for "The Advocate," thinks that nothing ought to be done for "education and amelioration of the colored people of this country, while slavery exists.

  But we lay aside our "cat-o'-nine- tails," and lash these would-be reformers no further. We have whipped them more as a warning for others, than for any good we hope to do them.

  The testimonial is in good hands—in the hands to which, of right, it belongs. Mrs. Stowe will not be turned from her purpose of leaving some permanent monument of her labors, for the benefit of our afflicted people. She sees (as every reflecting person must see) that the more intelligent, moral, industrious, enterprising, and thrifty the Free Colored man in the United States becomes, the more powerfully will his example tell against the enslavement of men like him. On the other hand, it is equally clear that, so long as slaveholders can maintain for their slaves any sort of comparison with the Free Colored people, just so long will the mass of men who look only at outward condition, and are too much absorbed with the world, to see a principle, or to appreciate its claims when seen, abstain from all efforts at emancipation. Elevate and improve the condition of the Free Colored people, and you at once level the strongest props of slavery.

  "Let pro-slavery found schools." Indeed, and why not let pro-slavery abolish slavery? There is as much sense in the one proposition, as in the other. "Let pro- slavery found schools;" let pro-slavery instruct the colored people, and ameliorate their condition. Let pro-slavery men elevate the Free Colored man, instruct him in the use of tools, make him a mechanic, help him in his business, extend to him the hand of social equality, and the world will readily understand how little depends upon mere names. They will see that the "thunder" of practice is far more potent than the thunder of profession.